Misunderstood
Intentions:
The Contexts of
Education Reformers Regarding the American Indian Training School in the Late
1800’s.
author:
Arie Higgins
Senior
Thesis
2000
In today’s world of political correctness, a
discussion of Native Americans or their historical involvement with the U.S.
Government is difficult. In the
past twenty years, many Americans have come to interpret the world through a
multi-cultural view.
This view has led to the liberation of many ethnic groups, but it also
presents an obstacle for those who wish to discus events of the past. It is natural for individuals to try to
interpret historical events through the context of their own experiences and
views, but in this practice we often ignore the circumstances that created the
framework for historical events.
These practices color our interpretation of historical events since the
way we view the world today is very different from how past groups lived it.
Literature of the late twentieth century depicts
Native American Boarding Schools as institutions run by deranged nuns, whose
sole purpose was to destroy the will of the Native American child. Mary Crow
Dog, in her 1991 book, Lakota Women, portrays a boarding school run by nuns who beat and abused her. From her book, individuals come away
with the understanding that all Native American schools were abusive, sinister
institutions and it was the purpose of these schools to punish the Native
Americans for being who they were.
Mary Crow Dog quotes a report from the Department of the Interior in
1801, stating its intent to force civilization upon the Native American people
and destroy their native practices[1].
Crow Dog uses this reference in an attempt to connect the actions of the early government
Native American education to the actions that took place in Boarding Schools
around the 1920’s. In doing
this, she ignores the reformers intentions’, and their impact in changing
the early government’s policy, of complete extermination to one of gentle
immersion of Native Americans into mainstream society. The education reformers
use the Training School (as opposed to the Boarding School) to combat the
government’s policy of extermination. Its goal was to remove the
responsibility of education from the hands of religious groups, so that the
focus of the education sifted from theological teaching to practical survival
skills necessary for success in the Whiteman’s world. One cannot blame Crow Dog for her anger
at the United States government and its repeated betrayal of the Native
Americans, unfortunately books such as Crow Dog' create a false view of Native
American treatment for the general public. The intentions and actions of the education reformers were
nothing like the actions of later educators. Although Mary Crow Dog’s
personal experiences in boarding schools cannot be refuted, we must understand
that the Boarding Schools of the 1920s were very different in design and
implementation than the Training Schools of the 1870s.
In
order for us to understand the goals and motives of individuals such as the
education reformers, we must look at the world in the proper historical
context. Organizations such as these surfaced first in the United States just
after the Civil War. The reformers
denounced the popular practices of Social Darwinism, which stated that the
weaker humans only polluted the gene pool and therefore people should not be
helped unless they helped themselves.
Education reformers argued against this practice specially concerning the
treatment of, African Americans and Native Americans.
Initially the education reformers had pure and
liberal ideas about Native American Education. They did not whish to change the
policy for their own gain or in hopes of whiping out a race, like many others.
In truth, their desire was to teach Native Americans the ways of the Whiteman
in hopes of helping and preserving the “Indian” peoples. With current stereotypes of Native
American educators, which believe they had harmful intentions towards Native Americans,
this is hard to understand.
However, based on the words of General Pratt, the founder of the
Training School and General Wilkison, who started the Pacific University
Training School (in the likeness of Pratt's model), we can see how liberal the views
and goals of theses men were.
Their dreams to help acculturate natives were not presented out of
malice or hate, but rather out of admiration and belief that Native Americans
were not being treated fairly.
The model for Training Schools, as set up by
General Pratt, was to prove to the general population that; “Indians were
like other people and could be easily educated and develop industry.”[2] Education reformer hoped to aid
the plight of the mistreated Native American population, and the best way they
knew to do this was to educate them in the ways of the Whiteman, so they no
longer would be mistreated.
Native American, “citizenship, education, and abolition of the
reservation system were all identified as solutions for the present . . .
injustices.”[3] Contrary to common stereotypes it was
not the intention of these men to create a system that broke the will of the
Native American population—their desire was to preserve the population
through education. These
individuals were the revolutionists of their time, willing to put their names
and lives on the line to prove that
“the Red Man” was an equal and deserved all the rights that
were valid to any human being.
There is no proof that these reformers were corrupt or were out to serve
their own gain. Rather,
documentation shows that Pratt and Wilkinson created the Training School system
in an honest attempt to help a group of peoples who were close to extinction at
the hands of the United States Government. It is true that unjust things occurred in Native American
Boarding Schools during the nineteenth century; but we must not confuse
Boarding Schools with Training Schools.
The ideology of Training Schools was different: Reformers designed these
schools in an attempt to prove that the Native Americans were equal and
deserved the same rights as Whitemen including a free public education.
To understand reformers such as Pratt and
Wilkinson, and how radical their actions were, we must look at what common
prejudices they faced in the middle of the nineteenth century. General Sherman wrote to
this brother, the current Senator of Ohio in a letter which illustrates these
prejudices: “the more we can kill this year, the less will have to be killed
the next war, for the more I see of these Indians the more convinced I am that
all have to be killed. Their attempts at civilization are simply
ridiculous.”[4] General Grant only months before his
nomination for the presidency stated, “even if the extermination of every
Indian tribe was necessary to secure,”[5]
the plains for immigrants, the land would be won for settling. Furthermore, in a letter President
Andrew Johnson spoke of a government that was for the Whiteman, and would only
be for the Whiteman, as long as he lived.
Up until at last 1885, The New York Times, the largest and most circulated newspaper in the
nineteenth century was still publishing articles asking for Native American
scalps in trade for cash up to $350 dollars per scalp.[6]
This was the language of politicians and the
general public alike, the language and beliefs that the reformers were fighting
against. They fought, preached,
and practiced the equality of Native Americans’ mental and physical
capabilities and their actions changed American Policy. Prior to the reformers’
involvement, the United States was in the process of an ethnic cleansing
justifying the complete extermination of Native Americans. Due in part to the model Pratt created
it was proven that “the Red Man” was capable of being
‘civilized’ and becoming a successful and prosperous member of
American culture. Whether
individuals today agree with the action of the education reformers or not, we
must understand that there were only two choices in the 1880’s:
exterminate the Native American population as a whole; or, educate the Native
American in the ways of the Whiteman, and make them an integral part of
American mainstream society. The
reformers cultivated the second option, thus choosing the lessor of two evils.
At first, the reformers called for simple training
and manual labor, so Native Americans could become self-supporting and
extinguish their dependence on the fraternal relationship set up by the U.S.
Government. By the mid-1880s,
Native American Training Schools had filled to capacity, teaching Native
Americans how to survive both financially and physically in the world the
Whiteman’s society had created. Far outreaching the initial scope of the
education reformer and ensuring the survival of the Native American Peoples.
History of the Education
Reform Movement
The
United States was founded on the understanding that as long as there was land
available democracy would thrive. Unfortunately with this the forefathers and
settlers ignored that Native Americans had the land and the Whiteman wanted it. The fundamentals of American politics
supported the “need” for the settlement of western lands;
Jeffersonism and the Turner thesis demand the use of western land to preserve
democrative freedom. The Louisiana
Purchase is just one of example of Jefferson’s dream for white American
culture to control all of North America.
During his presidency, the term Jeffersonisam came to express all
theories that supports the Whiteman’s “right” to posses
western land and cultivates white American Democracy. Turner’s “frontier thesis” viewed the
frontier as the, “westward-moving source of America’s democratic
politics, open society, unfettered economy, and rugged individualism, far
removed from the corruption of urban life.” [7] The frontier experience Turner
describes exaggerates the homogenizing effects of the frontier environment and
virtually ignores the role of women, blacks, immigrants, and Native Americans.
Economists, politicians, and historians believed that the fate of the republic
was inextricably linked to an almost endless supply of free or cheap land. The
American understanding of the world and nature was limited to its needs and
uses. The American
understanding of the world was limited to an individual’s needs, and the
government gave land to whoever could put the land to the most use and become
most productive with it. According to Lockean theory, only a society built on
the foundation of private property could guarantee the creation and sustention
of a society of moral people who had private property and social stability.[8] Theories such as the Turner Thesis,
Jeffersonian ideals, and Lockean theory left no room or tolerance for
individuals who stood in the way of progress and the good of the
“civilized man”. Based
on ideas surrounding Manifest Destiny, there was little to no doubt that the
vast wildness of the West would one day falls into the hands of whites.
In
1803, Jefferson observed that the ongoing Western movement was producing
problems between the races. Native Americans, having land in abundance, needed
civilization; Whites, possessing civilization, needed land. “Upon this convenient conjoinment
of greed and philanthropy an Indian policy slowly emerged.”[9] In 1818, the House Committee on Indian
Affairs urged Congress to, “put into the hands of their children the
primer and the hoe, and they will naturally in time, take hold of the plough;
and, as their minds become enlightened and expanded, the Bible will be their
book, and they will grow up in the habits of morality, and become useful
members of society”.[10] The first attempts to educate Native
Americans were done with the intention of controlling the Native American
peoples. In 1804, Congress created the Civilization Fund. The fund appropriated an annul amount
of $10,000 to be administrated by Thomas L. McKenny, the nation’s first
Superintendent of Indian Affairs towards the education and control of Native
American Population.
The first eighty years of the organization were
filled with repeated scandals, including embezzlement, misallocation of
funding, and often the use of schooling to boost political careers. Religious groups were primarily
responsible for the education of Native Americans on reservations and had
little to no luck in molding them into the “upstanding citizens”
they desired. Their methods were
erratic and each church and religious group fought over the proper way to
teach. Many people chose to
look at these failed attempts as an excuse to claim that the Native Americans
were incapable of learning or becoming self-sufficient in
“civilized” society. In “1871, Congress officially
confirmed the alter status of Native Americans, they were deemed wards of the
government, a colonized people.”[11] Because of these types of actions by
the US Government, many individuals were angered by the incompetence of past
educators and begun to form a united front in helping to protect the Native
American. These people became know
as education reformers. They believed that the Native Americans not only needed
to be saved from themselves, but also from the Whiteman. It was their hope to bring the Native
American into civilized society as an integral part and not as a separate
entity.
In 1882 Herbert Welsh and Henry Pancoat, US
representatives, visited the Sioux and published an account of their four-week
trip. What they said mimicked much of what the new generation of reformers
felt: “Indians could never withstand the never-ending onslaught of white
settlers. Furthermore, the tide of
progress could not be stopped.
Hence, ‘we must either butcher them or civilize them.”[12] Both men were horrified by the first
idea and used this to represent the past actions of the government. Welsh went on to say that the Native
American was, “not a wild beast whose extermination is necessary to the
safety of a higher order of creation, but a man for whom honor, purity,
knowledge and love are not only within the range of possibility, but are
qualities which already in numberless instances have been attained.”[13]
Due to their wealth and status, both of these men had a huge impact on the
general knowledge of the American public. What they said was heard by Congress
and more and more individuals were mounting to help civilize the Native
American and stop the fighting and slaughter of the Native Americans. Both Welsh and Pancoat were
mimicking the actions and belief of General Henry Pratt, who was already
developing a new form of education for the Native American.
Pratt, Indian Prison, and the First Training School
Henry Pratt was a man of great integrity. He stood out, in a time that understood
prejudice as correct, as a man who was tolerant and accepting of those who were
different from himself. His record
in the army is evidence of his tolerance. In 1861 he voluntarily joined an all-Indian Calvary
unit to fight for the union.
In 1867 he joined the Army once again, becoming a latent in the Tenth
United States Calvary, an all-Negro unit except for officers. With this Calvary he spent eight years
“keeping peace” with the Native Americans in the West. During these years Pratt came to
the conclusion that if Native Americans were to survive the ever-growing
“Progress” of the Whiteman, they would have to be “swallowed
up in the rushing tide of American life and institution.”[14] He spent his time out west becoming
close with the Native Americans of the land and learning their ways.
In 1875, at the end of the Indian American Wars,
the head chiefs and warriors were rounded up and sent to Kansas for trial for
crimes committed during the Red River War of 1874. Seventy-two Native Americans were arrested for trial: 34
Cheyenne, 2 Arapaho, 27 Kiowa, 9 Comanche, and 1 Caddo. Most of the group was made up of
young warriors in there twenties and mid-thirties and all 72 individuals were
from Southern Plains Tribes.[15] Pratt was assigned to accompany the group
to Kansas for trial. Once the
group arrived at the courthouse it was decided that the Native Americans could
not be tried in court because they were wards of the state and therefore the US
Government could not try them for war crimes. It was then decided that the group would be exiled to Old
Fort Marions in St Augustine, Florida.
The fort was built in the late 1600s by the Spanish
and was unoccupied at the time of the trial. Pratt was commissioned to run the prison. Since Pratt was given only a few
instructions and no supervision he decided to us the fort as a school to try
his theories of education with the prisoners. He planed to educate and civilize the prisoners. Upon arrival, Pratt removed all the
chains and shackles the army had put on the prisoners, hoping to lift the
sprites of the Native Americans. Next he sent home almost all of the Army
guards. To accomplish this, Pratt
had to promise his commanding officer that if even one prisoner escaped, he
would step down from his position and resign from the army.[16] To ensure that no one escaped, Pratt
created Indian Guards and thus begun the start of allowing the Native Americans
to govern themselves. Later, he
taught the prisoners to hold elections, helping them to create a governing
board responsible for individual penalties and enforcement of punishments for
fighting and misbehavior.
Pratt began to implement theories that were unheard
of in any other prison or school at the time. Pratt felt that one of the best
advantages of his school/prison was that it was off the reservation and near a
thriving town; he planned to use the town to integrate the Native Americans
into white society. In order to do
this; Pratt believed it was essential to increase the involvement between the
townspeople and the prisoners.
In his journal, Pratt wrote:
I consider it my highest duty to correct the unwarranted prejudices
prompted among our people against the Indian through race hatred and false
history which tells our side and not theirs, and which has been so successfully
nursed by keeping them remote and alleging that they alone have irredeemable
qualities. It was just as
important to remove from the Indian’s mind his false notion that the
greedy and vicious among our frontier outlaws fairly represented the white
race.[17]
To cultivate this shift in belief, the utmost
freedom between visitors and Native Americans was cultivated.
Pratt's goal to bring the community and the school
together slowly began to work.
In time, pairs of Native American men could be seen walking from shop to
shop in the streets of St. Augustine.
The students also begun to hold jobs, making their own personal spending
money. Pratt considered it vital that his students understand the American work
ethic. The first major source of
income presented to the school was in the form of sea beans that could be
collected from the local beaches.
A local curio dealer was willing to pay ten cents for each polished
bean, which he sold to tourists.
Within a few months the students had polished 16,000 beans. With their
first taste of successful sales, the Native Americans began making canes, bows
and arrows, and painting scenes of traditional Native American life. They
received the full sales amount when the items were sold. As a result of the Native
Americans’ presence in the community, farmers began coming to the prison
and asking for individuals who wanted to work on their land for the same
salaries as Whitemen. The Native
Americans began to be hired out as laborers—to pick oranges, work as baggage
men at the railroad depot, clear land, care for horses, and milk cows for local
farmers. To teach the ways of capitalism and economic individualism, Pratt kept
savings accounts for each of the students.[18] With the money they made the students
could make withdraws from these accounts and spend their money in the city.
Contrary to modern belief, Pratt continued to allow
students to perform some of their cultural practices such as tribal dances. The
nesassary paints and the best dances were picked out, “they carried out their home methods of dress and,
stripped to their skins, wearing only the gee string,” dressed in
traditional clothing they danced on the beaches until dawn.[19] Soon Pratt integrated these dances with
a shark hunt. Because they were
located on the cost and no other large animals were present for hunting; Pratt
hired a local fisherman to take the group out to hunt sharks, which the Native
Americans called, “sea buffaloes”. Often, Pratt would send ailing prisoners in small groups to
camp for a week or more at the beach.[20] This is just one example of how Pratt
helped to preserve the stability and culture of the Native American peoples,
while at the same time helping them to adjust to expectations of white culture.
As time passed, the 72 prisoners became more
familiar with the ways of the Whiteman. Most had taken up part-time jobs in the town and many
had learned trades that they used at the fort. It was Pratt’s hope, as well as that of the Native
Americans’, that the prisoners could soon be rejoined with their
families. At the urging of the
prisoners, on June 11th, 1875, Pratt sent a letter to the US army
requesting that the prisoners and their families be rejoined. The Native Americans stated that they
were willing to go anywhere the army saw fit, as long as they were able to be
with their families and given land, so they could prosper in the same way as
the Whitemen. Unfortunately, their
request was denied because the Army still felt the warriors were enemies of the
state.[21] The same month that the request was
denied Pratt asked that some of his students to be transferred to a
pentententiary so they could be taught a trade. This request was also denied. In March 1876, Pratt proposed that some of the brighter and
best-spoken prisoners be sent to agricultural school; again his request was
denied for the same reasons.
Although his requests were continually denied, Pratt kept pressing the
government. In 1877 Pratt once
again wrote congress and the army and asked this time for the release of the
older prisoners. He stated the
prisoners had learned much and being imprisoned no longer served a purpose to
anyone. Besides the freeing of the
prisoners, he also continued to advocate further education for the younger
students.
Finally, in the spring of 1878, an answer came. Pratt received orders that the
prisoners were to be released and neither the army nor the Indian Office had
any opposition to the younger prisoners receiving further education. Earlier
Pratt had asked the prisoners, if released, how many would like to stay in the
East and further their education.
Twenty-two had stepped forward.
Now that all of the prisoners were free to go and a large percentage
wanted to continue their education two problems remained; first, who would
finance these people’s education and second, what schools would accept
Native American students.[22]
Slowly, one by one, individual donors stepped forward to help pay for the
student’s education. Most of
the donors, were locals from the area who had seen the prison and the actions
of the prisoners first hand. Now
only the question that remained was where to send the students to school. Pratt
was able to contact schools and get most of the Native Americans temporarily placed,
but he realized that if the Native American population was going to be
successfully accepted into white society, schools that specialized in the
education and training of Native Americans needed to be established. The only way Native Americans were
going to be treated fairly was if schools were erected that catered to the
needs of this group. These schools needed to be sensitive to the issues that
stood between Native Americans and Whites. Pratt thought that he was well fitted for the role. Thus, the Native American Training
School model was created.
Carlisle,
the First Training School
Directly following the release of the prisoners
Pratt went to Washington. There he petitioned the White House, the Senate, the
House of representatives, and the Bureau of Indian Affaires arguing that all Americans
presently in the US had immigrated from somewhere else. He went on to say, that
their families would not have been successful in settling if they had not been
allowed to participate in mainstream society when they first arrived. Pratt stated to Mr. Schurz, the
Secretary of the Interior:
The Indians need a chance of participation you have had and they will
just as easily become citizens.
They can only reach this prosperous condition through living among our
people . . . Give me 300 young Indians and a place in one of our best
communities and let me prove it is easy to give Indian youth the English
language, education, and industries that it is imperative they have in
preparation for citizenship.[23]
Eventually, with moving arguments such as these, Pratt
convinced the government to allow him to create a school that was close to a
prosperous town, so that the Native Americans who went to the school could
learn the ways of the American lifestyle.
It was his firm belief that the school needed to be
in a prospering city as far from the West as possible. Pratt felt that the wounds of the past
Indian Wars were still too fresh and that the East, having not dealt with
Native Americans for quite some time, would be more receptive. Pratt also demanded that the school not
be integrated with African Americans. He was convinced that Native Americans
would suffer from their association with blacks, not because he had prejudices
against African Americans, but because he was afraid that other people’s
prejudges would inevitably spill over towards Native Americans.[24]
Pratt concluded that Native American students who were being educated with
African American students would be, “largely isolated from [the]
surrounding white community, thus eliminating one of the factors that had been
so critical at St. Augustine”.[25]
He felt that Native Americans had enough to overcome on their own without
attempting to fight anther races battle.
Based on Pratt’s demands and persuasive speeches, the Carlisle
Barracks, located in Pennsylvania, were given to him and his school. The School
was set to open November 1st 1879.
Before
he could open the school, Pratt needed students to fill the classrooms. In
1879, at the government’s deciding, Pratt first asked the Sioux and other
Dakota tribes to send their children with him to his new school. Pratt spoke
first with Spotted Tail and Red Cloud to ask for volunteers from their tribe to
enter the new school. After
several days of long conversations with the two chiefs and their head warriors,
the tribes sent their sons and a few daughters with Pratt to be educated in the
ways of the Whiteman. When the
students arrived, Pratt insisted on money for new floors and supplies to make
beds. Pratt was well aware
that the living conditions, as they stood when the children arrived, would lead
to depression and sickness if they were not improved immediately. During the first year at Carlisle,
Pratt made many steps to encouraged interaction between both the students and
the community. Pratt used many of
the same ideas and theories in the creation of the Carlisle Training School as
he had at the prison in Florida.
In a few months, Pratt had instilled his past
practices of self-discipline, and begun to encourage student interaction with
the community. Within the
school Pratt helped the students create a judicial board that represented the
court system of the United States.
The students became responsible for enforcing school rules. When an
individual broke the rules he had to stand before the officers of the student
judicial board and accept the punishment assigned by them.
Pratt spent much time speaking about the importance
of the town’s involvement in the lives of the students, he repeated over
and over that the reason the school/prison in St. Augustine was so successful
was because of community involvement.
Pratt saw the Carlisle school as no exception. His brainchild of this school was something called, “Outing
Programs”. It was the
intention of the school to envelop the students in American family life, this
program encouraged farming families to step forward and take students into
their home. After receiving
classes in English and the basics on behavior and tradition the students were
sent out to homes. Eventually, the
outing system took on three forms.
Under the basic program, students were sent out for the summer months
and placed in middle-class farm households. A second version of the program placed students for one to
two years, allowing the students to attend public schools. A third version emerged in 1890s, when
Pratt began to place students in industrial and urban families. During Pratt’s tenure at
Carlisle the program was carefully administered, and great care was taken in
the selection of patrons.[26] Many of the surrounding peoples of the
area were farming Quaker families.
The Quakers had a history of being a positive force in the education of
Native American students. Students
were only released to citizens who expressed genuine respect and hope towards
the positive involvement of Native Americans in the white culture.
According to reports submitted to the Bureau of
Indian Affaires during the winter of 1883, during the winter Pratt had 33 boys
and 19 girls living in “Out Families attending public schools.[27] It was Pratt’s ultimate dream to
eventually have his entire student body participating in “outing
programs”. He felt this was the best way to
involve students with white society, but he knew very well that the students
needed to have a solid academic base in his school before going out. By the fourth year of the
school’s existence a five-year education system had been developed. In the first-year, the students would
be taught an objective study of language, numbers and their use, drawing,
singing, gymnastics, molding clay, and arithmetic. In the second year, students received instruction in
reading, language and sentence forming, addition, subtraction, multiplication
and division, drawing, singing, and gymnastics. In the third-year students worked on reader work,
continuation of mathematics (as in the past year), geometry, drawing and oral
teaching. In the fourth year
students were be instructed in; reading, natural sciences, history, and
geography, language, arithmetic and fractions. The fifth-year was an accumulation of all of the prior
years, allowing students to work on any areas of difficulty and advancing them
further. At the end of the fifth
year Pratt tried to place students in privet homes so they could get a true
understanding of American culture.
Although the implementation of these methods took
some time, Pratt was quick to start many of the foundations for the outing
system and firm education in the first year of the school’s
existence. In less than a year
after the first students were admitted (1880), thirty-one Sioux chiefs came to
Carlisle to observe the school and its programs. The head of the Indian Bureau brought the chiefs to the
school on their way to Washington D.C.
While at the school they were given full freedom to see their children,
except during class times. At fist
Spotted Tail expressed concern about the school, but after visiting and talking
with the students, and Pratt, he and the other chiefs left saying, “they
were glad to have their children at the school.”[28] The school was gaining more and more
support from both Native American chiefs and Congressmen.
The Founding of the Pacific University Training School
By 1879 General Pratt’s model of the Training
School had gained much momentum.
The successful placement of children in white homes in white communities
was a new accomplishment that many had felt was impossible. Because of Pratt’s success, other
reformers started lobbying for more schools and several institutions
volunteered their campuses as new Training School locations. In 1879, Pacific University wrote
to the U.S. government offering the community of Forest Grove as the site for
an Indian Training School.[29] The school in Oregon proposed to draw
students from tribes throughout the Pacific Northwest. Around this same time,
Captain M. C. Wilkinson volunteered as the superintendent of the same
institution. In 1880 the Pacific
University Training School opened. The school was allotted one square block,
between C and D Streets and 22nd and 23rd Avenues. In the
five years that the school remained at Forest Grove a total of 354 students
were admitted; 187 students came from the Washington territory; 95 from Oregon;
48 from the Idaho Territory; and 28 from the Alaska Territory.[30]
Fires and water damage have destroyed most of the
information from the creation of the school. There are no remaining journals or documents that give the
complete details of the school’s origin. What remain are the Annual Reports of The Commissioner Of
Indian Affairs to the Secretary Of The Interior, parts of the Tualatin and
Pacific University Board of Trustees minutes, several letters to the Senate
about keeping the school in Forest Grove, old photographs of some of the
students and staff, and a few articles from local newspapers. With these fragments it is possible
to know what the school represented, its curriculum, the enrollment and its
revenue. More importantly, it is
possible to see the changes in attitudes by the local community towards Native
Americans and the Training School.
The school’s first students arrived on
February 25, 1880 from Puyallup Reservation, near Tacoma Washington. This group
consisted of 18 students, 4 girls and 14 boys. When Wilkinson first arrived at the school there were no
buildings. The students who
arrived that winter had to construct their own living quarters, where their
classes were also held. Wilkinson
reported on his arrival that the school was located, “in a community
where the hope was expressed that the buildings might burn down before scholars
could be gathered to put in them.”[31] Other sources also reveal tension
between the community and the original creation of the school. Although, some
town’s people reacted negatively to the school, others made the children
feel welcome. Fortunately, many of the negative opinions quickly dissipated
much like the reactions of the community members to the Carlisle School.
By October of 1882, the students in the school had
built a second building that was two and a half stories high, a wood shed and
wash room, made study and dining tables, desks, beds, and bed stands. The students had also made all their
necessary bedding, as well as new uniforms. A third building had been constructed to house a woodshed,
drill-room, and gymnasium. They
had also laid 887 feet of sidewalk, and beautified the grounds. Both the boys and girls alike had
planted four acres of potatoes and one acre of beans, as well as making a
garden for the fall vegetables.[32]
Because the school was so small, several buildings on Main Street had been
rented as shops for the boys to work in.
Land was also rented for farming.
The goods that were produced in the shops and from the land were first
used for the school, and the remainders were sold to pay for the cost of
renting the shops and land. Within
the first year, the school was almost completely self-supporting. The school only received $5,000 to
start and set-up the school (opposed to the $20,000 Pratt received). With that money Wilkinson had to
furnish transportation for 25 students, and teach, board, and house all of the
students and teachers.[33]
In the first two years of the school, articles
could be found in local papers about the program. Often, they appeared in social columns such as the Gamma
Sigma Society. Gamma Sigma was (and still is) a fraternal organization at Pacific
University. On September 23, 1882,
Gamma Sigma wrote in their column that the Collage Baseball Team had, “a
match game with the Indian boys this PM at 2.”[34] It was not just the Forest Grove
community that was changing its opinions about native Americans and Training
Schools, but the entire United States. In 1882, Harper’s Weekly visited the school and wrote the following about
Captain Wilkinson:
Captain Wilkinson has devoted much reflection to what is called the
Indian Question. He believes that the real solution of the problem lies in the
systematic education of the rising generation. He is no advocate of that system of bribery and terror which
has so long prevailed on the frontier. [He believed] no adult member of any
tribe should be kept as a ward of the government. Captain Wilkinson justly holds that the government can with
benefit to all parties expend its money in their education and training. They ought to be taught various trades
and crafts so that when they return to their homes they may be properly fitted
for lifer’s struggles. And will infuse new ambitions into future
generations.[35]
In many ways these changes signified a general
acceptance of the Native American peoples and the success of the school in
breaking down the barriers between the frontier settlers and the Native
Americans.
The
Native American Students, Trade, Wages, and Pacific University
The first group of children to attend the Training
School signed up for a three-year period.
At the beginning of the summer of 1883, the class was sent home, but by
the middle of August, fifteen 0f the original eighteen students had requested
to return for another two years. According to the Commissioner’s Reports
from 1883 of the students were doing well at home. Three of the boys became carpenters and got jobs working in
New Tacoma. Furthermore, they were
making good wages (between $2 to $4 dollars a day). All indications seemed to show that, “after leaving
the school, after having completed the courses of study and learned a trade,
[the children]will seek employment among white people.”[36] Students in the school were also making
good wages from outside sources. Many of the larger boys had been allowed to,
“work for the farmers in the vicinity during harvest, and having given
good satisfaction and received the same wages as the whites.”[37] Information from the Bureau of Labor
confirms the trend of Native Americans from the school receiving the same wages
as whites during harvest. The
Forest Grove News Times published an article citing Cyrus Walker from the
Bureau of Labor reporting that he paid his farm workers, “$1 a day and
board or $30 dollars a month. For
a man and his team he paid $2.50 a day.
Harvest hands commanded $1.75 to $2.00 a day and worked 14 hours.”[38]
As a result of the good wages earned both while at
the Training School and after finishing the programs, by 1883 enrollment at the
Pacific University Training School had risen from 18 to 151 pupils and
continued to rise to over two hundred by 1885. On average, attendance the school was higher than the number
funded by the appropriation committee.
Based on statistics from 1884, the school was estimating a total of 500
students the following year, and “if [the school] should add to this
number [of] children who wished to come but cannot get the consent of their
parents, it would be largely increased.”[39] In order to be admitted into the
program both children and their parents had to grant consent. This process
hopefully encouraged only admittance by those who were interested in learning.
The structure of the school’s curriculum was
unique in that the students were involved in traditional classroom education in
the morning and used the second half of the day learning a trade. The school taught five trades for boys:
farming, shoe making, blacksmithing, wagon and carpentry, and laundry. In 1884 the Farming Department
made $3,195.00. The Shoe Shop made
377 pairs of shoes and 67 pairs of boots, including repairs and products the
value of their work was $1,848.25.
The Blacksmithing Shop earned $1,137.20. The Wagon and Carpentry Shop made $2,845. The boy’s Laundry was instigated
to help the girls with the large amount of washing needed for the school so
that the girls still had time for mending and making new clothing. The boy’s laundry was responsible
for all of the boys’ washing except white shirts, it was also in charge
of washing and ironing all of the bedding for the school.[40]
Amazingly this department consisted of only five boys.
The girls were responsible for all of the domestic
choirs. This was common curriculum
taught in all female collages around the United States, not just in Native
American Training schools. The
girls were divided into three trades: cooking, laundry, and seamstresses. The girls in the cooking group were
responsible for all the meals at the school and for dining room work. The girls
in laundry washed, starched, and ironed all the white shirts. For the seamstress group, there were
three sewing rooms, where all of the uniforms, blankets, table dressings, and
other linens were made. These
girls were also in charge of all of the mending needed at the school.[41]
By 1885, half of the teaching staff at the Pacific
University Training School was Native Americans who had gone through the school
themselves. Native Americans ran
almost all of the departments. These individuals made sure everything ran
smoothly, they also had to write to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs at the
end of each year and give a report on the department. Starting in 1883, these government reports were written both
by Whites and Native Americans alike seeking funds to support their departments
and giving reports on the past year’s happenings.
Based on enrollment and the attitudes of students,
founders of the school felt comfortable in assuming that the Native American
population of the Northwest was happy with the school and the opportunities it
was offering. H.J. Minthorn, the
Superintendent of Pacific University, stated; “the school seems to be
highly appreciated among the Indians on the reservation from which the children
have been sent to the school, and many of the parents of the children have
expressed their gratitude to God and the Government for this opportunity of
educating their children.”[42]
The School continued to increase in popularity. It was fulfilling the goals of the education reformers, and
bridging gapes between Whites and Native Americans, and changing both United
States policy and public opinion.
The Pacific University Training School Moves
It should come as no surprise that due to
continually increasing enrollment the Training School soon outgrew its four
buildings and four acres. In 1884, the government started looking for a new
location for the school. The
Training School wanted its own land, and more of it. The prospect of relocation came much to the dismay of the
Forest Grove community; the school increased the town’s production and
infused a larger circulation of money in the community. There are several letters still intact
of correspondence between A. Hinman, “The Chairman of the Committee
Appointed by the Citizens of Forest Grove” (also the President of Pacific
University and on the Board of Trustees) and Senator J.N. Dolph, the man
responsible for the movement of the school. When Forest Grove initially heard about the proposed move of
the Training School, Hinman sent the following letter to J.N. Dolph:
. . . I feel warranted in making the following proposition for the
consideration of the commissioners.
1st Tualatin Academy and Pacific University will deed the
block of land upon which the school is now located, without charge, if the
department wish to continue the school at Forest Grove.
2nd The people of Forest Grove will purchase not less than
twenty acres and not to exceed thirty, and donate the same to government for an
additional site, if the department will continue the school here.[43]
This letter represented interest in the school by
both Pacific University and the community. This illustrates that this community had come a long way
from wishing the buildings would burn down so that the school could not
exist. Now it was offering to
donate money to buy land to keep the school. This shows a commitment to the Training Schools well as to
the education of Native Americans.
Unfortunately for Forest Grove, Salem, Oregon was able to
offer a more attractive offer; 171 acres sparsely timbered, and ten acres under
cultivation. Pacific University counter-offered with 100 acres of heavily
timbered land in Newberg (a good distance from the school) and 23 acres near
town that was under cultivation.[44]
In the end, the Salem offer was deemed more lucrative. There is no remaining documentation
that references the rivalry between these two cities, other than a letter
speaking of the cities desire to have the school. Based on this bidding war, one has to guess that this desire
was based on two major motives: the success of the school and the involvement
of Native Americans in the community, and the added boost the school brought to
the economy. Both motives reflect
positively on Native American-Anglo relation. In 1885 the school moved to Salem and was renamed Chemawa, Meaning “Indian town”. The school flourished and is still
functioning in good order in Salem, Oregon.
The
Training School and Politics
The philosophy of the Training School that Pratt
first developed in the Florida prison spread rapidly. Individuals and then comminutes, became involved with the
schools. This trend changed the
government’s extermination policy and also started to sway public opinion. The Carlisle School and Pacific
University were the first two schools that functioned under Pratt’s
model; social institutions that prepared Native Americans to function in
mainstream society while at the same time dissipating White American’s
prejudges against the “Indian”. Fortunately, the school had the strong support of Pratt and
then Wilkinson, two very smart men. Pratt and Wilkinson worked hard to change
the opinion of many individuals in the country, and they were able to play the
political game correctly while still implementing their radical change of the
status of Native Americans.
Pratt continually wrote letters and made statements
to the newspapers about the progress his students were making. It was vital to
the existence of the school that the American public support the ideas and
continue to allow tax money to fund this school, as well as the others to
come. One of the most persuasive
arguments presented by Pratt asked all patriotic Americans to at least look at
the words of the Constitution and apply them to Native Americans. Pratt argued, “when the
declaration announced, ‘We hold thee truths to be self-evident, that all
men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness,’ it meant nothing unless it included the Native American even
more than the foreign immigrant.”[45] Pratt continued to argue that the
Native Americans needed to be allowed to enter the world of the Whiteman. Until individuals realized that all
American laws equally applied to the “Redman” as well as to anyone
who has immigrated or claimed citizenship, Americans would not be living in
accordance with the Constitution.
He used Article XVI, Section 1, to support his statement:
All
persons born or naturalized in the United States and subjected to the
jurisdiction therefore are citizens of the United States and of the States
wherein they reside. No State
shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities
of the citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of
life liberty or property without due process of law, nor deny to any person
within its jurisdiction equal protection of the laws.[46]
Based on the laws which made native Americans wards
of the state, the Constitution applied to Native Americans in the same way it
does to every other American.
Pratt’s argument, based on Article XVI, Section 1, that,
“All our Indians were ‘born in the United States,’ and the
fact showed that, most imperiously, the Indian, both in his person and
property, was under ‘United States jurisdiction,’ which through
shrewd manipulation had become a degrading surveillance”[47]. By using the Constitution in his
argument, Pratt forced individuals throughout the country to look at the law.
According to Pratt, it was illegal to deny Native Americans all the rights that
other citizens were receiving.
Pratt and other reformers were also well aware that
if the Native American did not look and act like a citizen they would loose
public support. Reformers went to
measures that made their cause valid to the majority of society, because if
they did not they had no hope at changing American policy or public opinion. One of Pratt's most successful tactics was
using photographs with “before” and “after” prints to
show the “American Citizens” his school was making. Often, the pictures were taken only
minuets apart. Pratt would have
incoming student dress in traditional garb, even if they had come in Whiteman’s
clothing. Pratt would then cut their hair, have them bathe, dress them in a
uniform, and take another photograph.
He distributed the prints to show what “progress” they were
making.[48] Pratt knew that many people’s
prejudices were colored by appearance, so he gave them what they wanted, so he
could get what he wanted—help for Native Americans.
This
practice became common with other reformers. The Pacific University School was only slightly different in
its practices. From the
photographs that still remain of the Pacific University Training School we find
that most of the pictures were taken a few months apart, the shots were taken
in groups, (similar to incoming classes photos) and not as individuals. Isaac Grundy Davidson, a prominent
Portland photographer, took almost all the pictures. Besides functioning as documentation for the school, the
photographs were also used as post cards--memorabilia from the west. In December of 1881, the Oregonian stated: “Davidson’s views of Portland,
Indian Training School, Columbia River, Spokane Fall, etc, make the finest of
presents to Eastern friends. Send
orders early, as he is already pressed to print fast enough.”[49] Individuals, such as Davidson, were
able to capitalize on the schools’ success and help at the same
time. These photographs
infiltrated the homes of people in the East who would not have any contact with
the Training Schools or Native Americans otherwise, thus causing greater public
awareness. The photographs acted
as free advertisement for the school.
Large
newspapers and magazines were also noticing the School. Reporting on the success of the schools
became popular in eastern newspapers.
In 1883, Harper’s Weekly published a full centerfold article on the Pacific University
School. Artists sketched the
school, students, and buildings from Davidson photographs. The article called for the support of
the Pacific University Training School and others like it. It gave the history of the school
reporting the hard work that the students, faculty, and community put into the
school. They promoted the ideas
behind the Training School and the graduation of the students:
Every advantage placed in
their way is eagerly seized on by these pupils, and it is worthy of notice by
those that talk of the incorrigible character of Indians that the parents, many
of them chiefs, willingly and thankfully surrendered their sons and daughters
in order that they might be taught the arts and learning of the white man.[50]
The paper was willing to publicly back the Training
Schools. This was vital for the survival of the school and the Native American
peoples. The author concluded by
offering his support to Captain Wilkinson by, saying that, “this is the
best solution to the difficulty which confronts us in our dealings with the
Indians.”[51] Training
Schools were gaining support which their founders recognized as the key to help
protecting the Native “Americans”. The reformers were making Americans, and this was the only
way they new in which to save the native American Peoples from the governments
policy of extermination.
Conclusion
It
is incorrect for individuals today to assume that they can summarize all Native
American or Anglo attitudes into one viewpoint. When we look at education reformers of the 1800s we must take
into consideration their proper historical viewpoint. When today’s views are superimposed on them, we will
undoubtedly disagree with actions of the past. But when we look at individual people and movements in
history, we can see that the education reformers had the best intentions in
helping the plight of Native Americans. Furthermore, these men acted in the
best way the times would allow; they educated Native Americans in the customs
and actions of the rest of the country.
Much of the literature that has been written about the acculturation of
Native American in the late 1800s ignores the importance of the reformers.
Education
reformers changed the United States’ policies towards Native
Americans. They did this by
appealing to the general public’s opinions and attitudes about Native
Americans. Reformers such as Pratt
and Wilkinson proved to other Americans that, when given fair opportunities,
Native Americans could and would adapt to their changing world. Through their
actions, reformers were able to change some of the raciest assumptions of the
throughout the country. For this
reason, men such as Pratt and Wilkinson were revolutionaries for their
time. The schools they created
were unlike those that had existed before them or even the schools that would
be created in the 1920’s.
Training Schools of the late 1880’s taught Native Americans
hands-on trades that could be used once out of school and, at the same time
they were taught to read and write, something rural whites were already
receiving from the government. The
schools were completely independent of reservations; they were not run by
secular groups that place religion above education, instead men that changed
American policy created them. These schools allowed both Native Americans and
Anglos to reevaluate their opinions about one and other.
Work Cited
· Andrist, Ralph K. The Long Death. Collin Mac
Million Publishers, New York. 1964.
· Adams, David Wallace. Education for Extinction:
American Indians and the Boarding School Experience 1875-1928. University
Press of Kansas, 1995.
· Buan, Carolyn M. This Far-Off Sunset Land: a
pictorial History of Washington County, Oregon. The Ponning Company
Publishers, 1999.
· Crow Dog, Mary. Lakota Woman. Harper
Perennial, New York. 1991.
· Deloria, Vine. Custer Died For your Sins: An
Indian manifesto. Avon, New York. 1969.
· Dippie, Brian W. The Vanishing American.
University of Kansas Press 1982.
· George Brown Tindall and David E. Shi. America:
A Narrative History. W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1996.
· Hoxie, Fredrick E. A Final Promise: The Campaign
to Assimilate the Indians, 1880-1920. University of Nebraska Press 1984.
· Pratt, Henry. Battlefield And Classroom. New
Haven & London, Yale University Press, 1964.
· Prucha, Francis Paul The Great Father: The
United States Government and the American Indians. University Of Nebraska
Press, 1984 & 1986.
· Robinson, Thomas. Oregon Photographers;
Biographical History and Directory 1852-1917. Second Edition, 1993.
· Edited by: Francis Paul Prucha, Writing by the
‘Friends of the Indians” 1880-1900. Americanizing The American Indians. University of
Nebraska Press 1973.
· “”Money For Indian Scalps.” New
York Times, 1885.
· “Early Days Of Chemawa At Forest Grove
Recalled.” News Times Oregon, October,
fifth 1972.
·
“Indian
School In Oregon.” Harper’s Weekly; a journal of civilization, New York. Vol. XXVI, No.
1327. May 27, 1882.
· Pcific Univerity Minutes 1880-1885. Pacific University Arcives.
· Shipley, S. M. The Aurora Forest Grove Oregon Weekly, V.1. No. 27. Sept. 23, 1882.
From the Tozier Collection, Washing ton County Historical Society,
Hillsboro, Or.
· Annual Reports of the Commissioner Of Indian
Affaires to the Secretary Of The Interior for the Year 1881.
Washington: Government Printing Office 1881.
· Annual Reports of the Commissioner Of Indian
Affaires to the Secretary Of The Interior for the Year 1883. Washington: Government Printing Office1883.
· Annual
Reports of the Commissioner Of Indian Affaires to the Secretary Of The Interior
for the Year 1884. Government Printing Office1884.
· Annual Reports of the Commissioner Of Indian
Affaires to the Secretary Of The Interior for the Year 1885.
Washington: Government Printing Office 1885.
· Letters from Pacific University Archives. Hinman files:
United
States Senate, washing ton, D.C., January 30, 1884. From J.N. Dolph to A. Hinman.
United
States Senate, washing ton, D.C., Feb. 24, 1884. From J.N. Dolph to A. Hinman.
Forest
Grove, March 4th 1884. From A. Hinman to J.N. Dolph.
Forest
Grove, March 10, 1884. From A.
Hinman to J.N. Dolph.
United
States Senate, washing ton, D.C., March 18, 1884. From J.N. Dolph to
A. Hinman,
Forest
Grove, Nov. 27th 1884. From; A. Hinman to J.N. Dolph,
· Bibliography
· Kinny, Glenn. “Forest grove’s Adopted
Children: A Look At The Indian Industrial Training School At Forest Grove,
Oregon, 1880-1885.” History
Department at Pacific University. Senior thesis
· Hoxie, Fredric E. Redefining Indian Education:
Thomas j. Morgan’s Program in Disarray. Arizona and the West,
1889-93.
· June 14th, 1881. ‘Washington
County Independent”
(Hillsboro). Washing ton County Historical Society, Hillsboro, Or.
· “Twenty-First Annual Report of the Board of Indian
Commissioners. 1880.” Washington: Government Printing Office 1890.
· United States Senate, washing ton, D.C., March 18,
1884: to: A. Hinman, from: J.N. Dolph
· Forest Grove, Nov. 27th 1884: To J.N.
Dolph, From; A. Hinman
[1] Mary Crow Dog, Lakota Woman. (New Your, HarperCollins. 1991) p. 28
[2] Henry Pratt. Battlefield and Classroom Four Decades
with the American Indian, 1867-1904. (New Haven & London, Yale
University Press, 1964.) p. 214
[3] Fredrick E Hoxie. A Final Promise, The Campaigns
to Assimilate the Indians, 1880-1920.
(University of Nebraska Press 1984.)
p. 8
[4] Ralph K Andrist. The Long Death. (New
York: Collien Mac Millan Publishers. 1964.) p. 154
[5] Ibid. Pg. 155
[6] “Money For Indian Scalps.” New York Times, 1885.
[7] George Brown Tindall and David E. Shi, America, A
Narrative History. (New York, W.W
Norton & Company, Inc. 1984.)
p. 834
[8] David Wallace Adams, Education for Extinction,
American Indians and the Boarding School Experience 1875-1928.
(The University Press of Kansas, 1995.)
[9] David Wallace Adam, p. 6
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ibid. p. 7
[12] Ibid. p. 2
[13] Ibid.
[14] Adam. P.
38
[15] Idid. P.
37
[16] Pratt. p. 120
[17] Ibid.
[18] Adams. p. 41
[19] Pratt, p. 121
[20] Pratt. p
[21] Pratt, p. 122
[22] Adams, p. 44
[23] Pratt. p. 21
[24] Adams, p. 48
[25] Ibid.
[26] Adams, Pg. 157
[27] Annual report of the Commissioner of Indian
Affaires to the Secretary Of the Interior for the year 1883. (Reports of Carlisle School, by Pratt.) p. 161
*to be referred to
as Commissioner reports
from now on*
[28] Pratt. Pg. 239
[29] Carolyn M. Buan. This Far-off Sunset Land: a pictorial history of Washington county, Oregon. (Portland, Oregon. The Donning Company Publishing, 1999) p. 24&25
[30] Pacific University Archives: Rick Read. Forest Grove Indian Industrial Training School (1880-1885) (3/30/95) p.1
[31] Commissioner’s Reports 1881, M.C. Wilkinson. P. 198
[32] Commissioner’s Reports 1881. P. 198
[33] Harper’s Weekly (Vol. XXVI, No. 1327. May 27, 1882) p. 327
[34] S.M.
Shipley. The Aurora Forest Grove Or. Weekly.
(V.L., No. 27. Sept. 23. 1882) From the Tozier Collection, Washington County
Historical Society, Hillsboro, OR.
[35] Ibid.
[36] Commissioner's Report 1883. p. 180
[37] Ibid. p. 181
[39] Commissioner’s Reports 1884. P. 202
[40] Ibid. pp. 204-205
[41] Ibid. p. 205
[42] Commissioner’s Report 1883. P. 180
[43] Letter from A, Hinman to J.N. Dolph. March 4, 1884. (Pacific University Archives, Hinman files)
[44] Commissioner’s Reports 1885. P.223
[45] Ibid. p.
268
[46] The Constitution of the United States. Article
XVI, Section 1.
[47] Pratt. p. 269
[48] Adams. P. 5-95
[49] Tomas Robinson. Oregon Photographers; Biographical History and Directory 1852-1917. (Portland Oregon, second edition 1993)p. 225
[50] Harper’s Weekly. (Vol. XXVI, No. 1327. May 27, 1882) p. 327
